이 보고서는 한국의 노인빈곤 문제를 국제비교의 관점에서 설명하고 있다. 하지만 기존 연구들이 주로 OECD국가와의 비교에 초점을 두고 있는 데 비해, 이 연구는 경제사회적 발전단계가 상이한 아시아 주요국가과의 비교를 시도하고 있다. 일본, 대만, 태국, 베트남, 캄보디아 등 다양한 아시아 국가의 비교연구를 통해, 한국의 노인빈곤율이 극단적으로 높은 원인을 다양한 측면에서 설명하고자 하였다. 이 연구는 아시아 주요국의 노인빈곤율이 한국보다 낮은 원인을 설명하는 과정에서 크게 두 가지 요인에 주목하고 있다. 하나는 사적부양체계의 빠른 해체 속도이고, 다른 하나는 노인빈곤율의 급등의 충격을 흡수할 노후소득보장제도의 미비이다. 특히 비기여형 연금제도의 뒤늦은 확장을 주요한 원인으로 지적할 수 있다. 이는 향후 한국 노후소득보장제도가 어떤 개혁을 준비해야 하는지 말해주고 있다.
The purpose of this study is to compare poverty and work among elderly people in selected Asian countries, and compare income protection policies they have in place for their elderly populations. This study also attempts to explain why both the poverty and employment rates are so high among the elderly in Korea. Previous studies in Korea have focused mainly on the expansion of the old-age income protection system and its poverty reduction effect. However, this study focuses on the weakening of the informal support system prior to the development of old-age income protection system. With regard to the weakening of the informal support system, this study focuses on the following common thread experiences shared by selected Asian countries: birth control policy, confucian culture, industrialization and urbanization. This study compares three factors that affect poverty among the elderly in selected Asian countries, including Korea. These are 1) decrease in job opportunities among the elderly, 2) a weakening of the informal support system for the elderly, 3) recent expansion of old-age income protection system. Under the constraint that official data on the poverty rates of Asian countries are poor, this study attempted to show how quickly the informal support system is dismantled in selected Asian countries, how much the job opportunity for the elderly has decreased, to what extent the poverty rate of the elderly has increased, and how the old-age income protection system has responded to the poverty problem of the elderly. The results of this study are not encouraging for Korea. The old-age poverty rate was higher in Korea than in any other countries this study examined. Also, the informal support system has weakened more rapidly in Korea than in any other. This study presents the following conclusions about the causes of elderly poverty in Korea. First, Korea's informal support system has polarized to a serious extent. The proportion of elderly households without private income transfers in 2006~2016 has increased significantly in Korean society. This means that the decline in private income transfers among elderly households, which has been mentioned so far, is in fact the result of the polarization of private income transfers. Second, the informal support system weakened more rapidly in Korea than in other Asian countries. It is presumed that the weakening of the informal support system varied greatly even across Asian countries. It should be noted that, in Thailand and Vietnam, even as the rate of co-residence with elderly parents declines, private transfers to the elderly tend to increase, unlike the case with Korea. This seems to be related to the difference between countries with strong patriarchal culture and those without. Third, most Asian countries have introduced non-contributory social pension programs at the time of introduction of public pension system, and were able to cope with the problem of old-age poverty. Indeed, it is hard to address the problem of old age poverty with the contributory pension system alone. With the moderate dismantling of the private support system, non-contributory social pensions in selected Asian countries, although low in income replacement rates, could play an important role in poverty alleviation for the elderly. What policy implications can be drawn from this study? Of course, it is not easy to draw concrete policy implications for Korea's elderly income protection policies. However, we can make a clear suggestion on the direction of old-age income protection policies in Korea. Over the past two decades, the Korean government has failed to provide a viable alternative to lower the poverty rate of the elderly. As a result, many social problems followed, including the rising suicide rate among the elderly. Once this has been confirmed, it will be necessary to take more active measures to make up for it. In accordance with this policy direction, we have made several policy suggestions to solve the poverty problem of the elderly in Korea. First, our society should focus on solving the poverty problem of the elderly as the top priority of social protection policy. The reform of social protection system should start with reforming the public pension scheme and improving the future financial sustainability of the working age population. However, it is necessary to actively cope with the current poverty problem of the elderly. It is morally vulnerable to talk about future social security without solving the urgent poverty problem of the elderly. Considering the poverty rate, suicide rate and living rate of the elderly, which are very high in the world, more efforts are needed to solve this problem. Second, a more realistic approach is needed in relation to the reform of the old-age income protection system. Generally, the government establishes and reforms the income protection system in consideration of the given political, economic, social and financial conditions. From this perspective, the high poverty rate of the elderly in Korea can be perceived as a difficult or impossible problem to solve financially. Excessively high poverty rates in the elderly tend to make government hesitant to actively propose measures. Therefore, in order to reduce the high poverty rate of the elderly, it will be possible to examine the strategy of setting the policy poverty line to 40% of the median income in the short term. Of course, it would be better if the international poverty line could be applied to the old-age income protection policies. However, if it is difficult to obtain social consensus to apply the high poverty line, it would be more realistic to reduce the poverty rate of the elderly by setting 40% of median income as a policy poverty line. Third, restructuring of the old income security system and integrated policy design are needed. In the recent debate on public pension reform, there is a large consensus on the importance of non-contributory social pensions. However, there are limitations in solving the poverty problem of the elderly only with the social allowance or the social pension. Basic pensions have the positive effect of reducing the poverty gap, but the effect of lowering the poverty rate is very limited. Of course, there may be a plan to reduce the poverty rate of the elderly by drastically increasing the basic pension. However, due to the low average pension amount of the national pension, it is expected to have side effects. Thus, as many experts have already emphasized, it will be necessary to integrate public pensions, and to have a multi-layered old-age income protection system that considers retirement pensions, basic pensions, and even the basic livelihood security system. Finally, it is necessary to build a more systematic research infrastructure on the informal support system. More systematic research is needed on the background of the rapid weakening of our informal support system in just 20 years. As we have seen, elderly people have been neglected in informal and formal support systems in the period of rapid change of the economic and social system. Of course it has to do with the economic shock that has occurred over the past 20 years. On the other hand, it may be that the family culture based on the patriarchal order was suddenly dismantled in the cultural environment of nuclear family and gender equality. This is closely related to the low fertility rate and population aging. Currently, our society tends to think of the poverty problem of the elderly as a financial burden on the working age population. Unfortunately, the poverty of the elderly now affects the consumption and investment of many working age groups. Furthermore, it has a great influence on forming a social solidarity to support the future welfare state. It is time to ask why our society is experiencing serious social conflicts and controversies. This is because today's anxiety adds to future anxiety and makes it difficult to obtain social consensus. For this reason, it is necessary to reinforce the old-age income protection system to alleviate the poverty of the elderly as well as the system reform that gives hope to the children and the future.
Abstract 1 요약 7 제1장 서론 13 제1절 연구 목적 15 제2절 연구 방법 19 제3절 연구 내용 21 제2장 이론적 검토 23 제1절 선행연구 검토 25 제2절 비교분석 방법 35 제3장 한국의 노인빈곤 및 노인고용 실태 분석 53 제1절 들어가며 55 제2절 한국의 인구고령화와 노인 문제 56 제3절 사적 부양체계의 해체 또는 양극화 62 제4절 노인의 노동 기회 감소와 그 충격 74 제5절 노인빈곤의 추이와 실태 82 제6절 노후소득보장체계의 현황 88 제7절 맺으며 99 제4장 일본의 노인빈곤 및 노인고용 실태 분석 101 제1절 들어가며 103 제2절 일본 소득보장체제의 형성과 현황 106 제3절 노인빈곤의 실태와 원인 120 제4절 노인빈곤 심화의 분석과 고령자빈곤의 새로운 리스크 138 제5절 노인고용의 실태와 분석 150 제6절 맺으며 162 제5장 대만의 노인빈곤 및 노인고용 실태 분석 165 제1절 들어가며 167 제2절 대만의 경제사회환경 168 제3절 노인빈곤의 실태와 원인 175 제4절 맺으며 196 제6장 태국의 노인빈곤 및 노인고용 실태 분석 199 제1절 들어가며 201 제2절 태국 노후소득보장제도의 발달 202 제3절 인구사회학적 변화와 고용 추이 209 제4절 노인인구의 소득 구성과 빈곤 추이 218 제5절 맺으며 228 제7장 베트남의 노인빈곤 및 노인고용 실태 분석 231 제1절 들어가며 233 제2절 베트남 고령인구의 현황 및 특성 234 제3절 노인빈곤 현황 237 제4절 노인빈곤의 결정구조 분석 250 제5절 맺으며 256 제8장 캄보디아의 노인빈곤 및 노인고용 실태 분석 259 제1절 들어가며 261 제2절 캄보디아의 역사와 개관 262 제3절 사회보장체계의 구조와 특성 265 제4절 노인인구의 현황 269 제5절 노인빈곤의 실태와 지원체계 273 제6절 노인고용의 실태와 과제 285 제7절 맺으며 288 제9장 아시아 주요국의 노인빈곤에 대한 비교분석 291 제1절 들어가며 293 제2절 아시아 주요국의 경제사회 여건 비교 297 제3절 아시아 주요국의 노인빈곤 문제 비교 315 제4절 맺으며 334 제10장 결론 337 제1절 연구 결과의 주요 함의 339 제2절 정책적 시사점 344 참고문헌 351 부록 371