저출산·고령화 시대의 한국 가족주의에 대한 진단과 정책적 함의
Understanding Institutionalized Familialism: Identification and Implications in the Era of Low Fertility and Aging in Korea
장경섭; 진미정; 성미애; 이재림; 박상희; 전지현
제도적 가족주의; 가족 부양; 자녀 교육; 가족 돌봄
본 연구는 저출산·고령화 시대의 한국사회가 경험하는 다양한 사회현상과 문제가 가족주의와 어떤 연관성이 있는지 진단하고 정책적 함의를 찾는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 가족주의를 이념적, 상황적, 제도적 차원으로 구분하여 세분화된 분석틀로 가족의 가장 핵심적 기능인 부양과 소득지원, 자녀교육, 아동·노인 돌봄의 영역에서 제도와 관행을 분석하였다. 한국사회는 사회제도들의 형성과 운용에서 시민들에게 직·간접적으로 가족적 차원의 책임, 의무, 권리를 강화하고 가족중심적인 생활을 영위하도록 하는 제도적 가족주의가 강하게 작동하는 사회이다. 이러한 가족주의는 제도적 미성숙 시기에 개인과 가족의 삶을 지탱해 온 힘이지만, 동시에 개인과 가족의 삶에 과부하를 초래하고, 제도 자체의 부정합성과 불안정성을 증가시켜 의도하지 않은 부작용과 문제를 양산한다. 저출산·고령화 시대에는 다양한 제도들이 암묵적으로 전제하고 있는 가족주의의 복잡한 층위와 그 명시적·암묵적 영향을 분석하여 그 토대 위에 사회정책이 수립되어야 한다.
In this study, we aimed to analyze the complex characteristics of familialism embedded in various social institutions and customs and to address social problems and implications that have resulted from “institutionalized familialism” in contemporary Korea. Familialsim, which is an ideological tendency that places a great emphasis on the family as a group over individuals, has influenced life and culture in public and private spheres among Koreans for generations. Institutionalized familialism refers to the effects of social institutions that reinforce the responsibilities, obligations, and rights of the family in the process of institutional formation and operations and that require citizens to live a family-centered life explicitly and implicitly (Chang, 2011). In other words, social institutions and customs expect individuals to live a standardized familial life, and policies and practices are constructed based on this expectation. This tendency can be compared to “institutionalized individualism” (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002) that provides a practical basis for the process of individualization in Western societies. We found that institutionalized familialism was embedded in Korean social policies and practices related to economic support for the family, education, and care for children and older people. One of the most sweeping instances of institutionalized familialism is the National Pension Scheme which was designed on the basis of the male provider and female caregiver model, creating unintended loopholes and problems due to the discrepancy between the model and real family lives. Similarly, the National Living Security Scheme leaves many individuals uncovered or under-covered due to its familialistic assumptions about family support. The National Living Security Scheme also requires families to support each other even when they are not capable of doing so. Due to the lack of a reliable pension and public assistance policies, families have to provide financial support for their adult children and aging parents even though this kind of support could put their own economic well-being at risk. We identified several social problems that originated from the institutionalized familialism of economic support, including growing generational conflicts, deepening poverty among the aged, increasing family instability, and the unstable status of women in the pension system. Another persistent tendency of institutionalized familialism can be found in Korea’s educational policy and customs. Despite strong educational aspirations and achievements, compulsory education is covered only up to middle school, and the quality of public education is unsatisfactory. The costs of formal and informal education beyond this short period of compulsory public education have been a considerable burden to Korean families. In addition, the growing emphasis on parental involvement in children’s education creates another problem and burden to Korean families because it assumes the model of male provider and female caregiver and expects mothers to become highly involved in various activities at their children’s schools. These customs have led to social problems such as a substantial financial burden for families, severe competition for better education, and psychological problems for children and youth. This study also analyzed institutionalized familialism embedded in social policies and practices related to care for children and older citizens. As for child care, institutionalized familialism was found in child care policies (e.g., a heavy reliance on market- based child care),the home child care allowance (e.g., a reinforcement of gendered care), work-family policies (e.g., the gender imbalance of leave takers), support for children with special needs (e.g., the assumption of intensive family care), child care provided by grandmothers and the allowance for these caregiving grandmothers (e.g., expectations for downstream intergenerational support), and “scientific” parenting practices (e.g., an intensive mothering ideology). As for caring for older citizens, we found that familialism played an important role in the Long-Term Care Insurance for Senior Citizens (e.g., priority on family care except for severe health situations), certified family care provides (e.g., a compromise between the defamilialization of care and the filial piety norm), and legislation that encourages and supports filial behavior (e.g., defining filial behavior as living with older parents). We identified that the burden of care, the inequitable nature of gender relations, and the accidental complexity of institutionalized familialism are all very serious consequences of institutionalized familialism in the areas of care for children and older citizens.
Abstract 1 요약 5 제1장 서론 11 제1절 한국사회와 가족주의 13 제2절 연구의 목적과 방법 18 제3절 가족주의의 세 차원 20 제4절 관련된 국내외 연구 22
제2장 부양 및 소득 지원 제도와 관행에 나타난 가족주의 25 제1절 서론 27 제2절 가족의 상호 부양 규범 30 제3절 부양의 실태: 사적이전 38 제4절 부양 및 소득 지원 제도 42 제5절 사회적 문제 진단 51 제6절 소결 59
제3장 교육제도 및 관행 속에 나타난 가족주의 65 제1절 서론 67 제2절 제도 분석 69 제3절 가족 부담 인지도 분석 86 제4절 사회적 문제 진단 98 제5절 소결 107
제4장 아동 및 노인 돌봄 정책과 관행에 나타난 가족주의 111 제1절 서론 113 제2절 아동 돌봄에 나타난 제도적 가족주의 117 제3절 노인 돌봄에 나타난 제도적 가족주의 150 제4절 사회적 문제 진단 176 제5절 소결 187